Prosecute Israel for Gaza war crimes

Israel faces its own evil

Gilad Atzmon argues that on the eve of the collapse of the Gaza ceasefire, Netanyahu faced a dilemma: to lift the Gaza blockade or to end up at the International Criminal Court. More »

Liberal Zionist dilemma

The liberal Zionist dilemma

Lawrence Davidson highlights the contradiction between universal civil and political rights and support for Zionist state. He says that, faced with the choice, most “liberal” Zionists would ditch the veil of liberalism. More »

David Cameron and the Israeli flag

Freedom to live ordinary lives…

Stuart Littlewood argues that while Israel continues to ride roughshod over international law and the will of the international community, Britain’s Conservative-led government continues to regurgitate the same tired old messages. More »

Zionism corrupting US democracy

Open letter to President Obama: Your legacy

Alan Hart spells out, in an open letter to US President Barack Obama, what it would take for Obama not to go down in history as a Zionist stooge and a joke. More »

Broken promises and broken dreams

Gaza: raw power and the murdering of justice

As the Gaza conflict rages, Stuart Littlewood asks whatever happened to the US-Quartet Agreement, signed by Israel, “to give the Palestinian people freedom to move, to trade, to live ordinary lives”? More »

Israeli losers

The Gaza conflict: losers and consequences

Uri Avnery looks at who has come out worse from the month-long Gaza conflict, and assesses the consequences for Israel domestically and internationally, and for Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. More »

Israeli degrading of international law

Israel and the erosion of international law

Lawrence Davidson looks at how criminal Israeli behaviour, and US protection of that behaviour at international forums, have degraded international humanitarian law, which is now selectively applied to target weak states. More »

Liar Binyamin Netanyahu

Israeli deceptions and Western collusion

Jonathan Cook explores the strategic objectives behind Israeli PM Netanyahu’s deception – parroted ad nauseum by Western media and politicians – from the alleged capture of an officer to the “self-defence” narrative. More »

Sharing

The case for a new global paradigm

Graham Peebles argues the case for global change which places sharing, sustainability and cooperation – not competition, greed and abundance – at its heart, and cultivates tolerance, individuality, trust and social unity. More »

Tunnel vision

Israel’s ever-changing goals, and its tunnel vision

Uri Avnery traces the ever changing goals of the Israeli aggression against Gaza, argues against demonizing “the enemy” and pleas for understanding – essential for waging war and making peace. More »

Daily Archives: January 10, 2013

Unchecked Israel firsters plague Washington

By Jamal Kanj

The undue influence of money and single-issue interest groups is bankrupting the essence of American democracy and discouraging honest Americans from serving their nation.

In the current debate over Chuck Hagel’s pick to head the Pentagon, it is becoming self-evident that any political appointment in a US administration must first pass the Israeli litmus test.

Pressure from Israel firsters in early 2009 forced Barack Obama to rescind the nomination of Charles Freeman to head the National Intelligence Council (NIC). The Zionist lobby’s thought police was concerned with Freeman’s score card on Israel.

On his reasons to withdraw from consideration to head the NIC, Freeman blamed “…unscrupulous people with a passionate attachment to the views of a political faction in a foreign country [Israel]“.

Freeman was a career diplomat with a stellar record in the state and defence departments spanning more than three decades.

Stooges and spies

When patriot Americans are harangued on their less than slavish submission to the Israeli lobby, “unscrupulous” citizens with “passionate attachment” to a foreign country have been able to serve unchallenged in various US administrations.

Rahm Israel Emanuel

Obama’s first White House chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, was a Zionist and a proud son of a former member of the Irgun Jewish terrorist organization. He volunteered to serve in the Israel army in 1991.

Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk co-founded the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) in the mid-1980s. The think-tank was sponsored by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).

Dennis Ross

Ross’s first paper at WINEP called on the State Department to appoint a “non-Arabist Special Middle East envoy”, meaning a non-professional diplomat who would “not feel guilty about our relationship with Israel”.

Less than 10 years later, Ross became the first “non-Arabist” Middle East peace envoy. In his new role, a senior State Department official described him as having a “bad habit” of pre-consulting “with the Israelis”.

Martin Indyk, Lawrence Franklin and Douglas Feith

In the early 1980s, Indyk worked as deputy research director for AIPAC. His American citizenship file was purportedly fast tracked to become Clinton’s ambassador to Israel in 1995. While serving in Tel Aviv in 2000, his security clearance was briefly suspended – unheard of for a serving US ambassador – by the State Department on suspicion of mishandling sensitive materials.

In 2004 the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) uncovered information about an Israel spy working in the Department of Defence. The FBI identified the mole as Lawrence Franklin, a policy analyst working for Under Secretary of Defence for Policy Douglas Feith.

Franklin was accused of passing sensitive information to AIPAC staff and to Naor Gilon, head of the political department at the Israeli embassy. In the period leading up to the Iraq invasion, this alleged Israeli spy worked with the Pentagon’s Iraq policy office.

Pleading guilty, Franklin explained that he shared the confidential information not for financial gains, but for ideological reasons and in the hope that AIPAC would help get him a job with the National Security Council (NSC).

His boss was also forced to resign from the Pentagon months later on related charges. Ironically, Feith was fired almost 20 years earlier from NSC for apparently passing “classified material to an official of the Israeli embassy in Washington.”

Richard Perle

According to his book They Dare to Speak Out, ex-congressman Paul Findlay avers that in 1970 the FBI caught Richard Perle on tape “discussing classified information with someone at the Israeli embassy”.

He was once described as an Israeli agent of influence. Still, he served for six years as assistant secretary of defence in the Reagan administration and for two years as the chairman of the Defence Policy Board Advisory Committee under George W. Bush.

During their sabbatical between two Republican administrations, Perl and Feith prepared a major policy document in 1996 advising then Israeli Prime Minister Binjamin Netanyahu on how to make “a clean break” from the peace process.

Following the election of George W Bush, the yesteryear Netanyahu’s advisors became political appointees in the new administration. They repackaged Netanyahu’s “a clean break”, making it the centre of Bush’s foreign policy in the period leading up to the invasion of Iraq and ending America’s direct involvement in the Palestinian-Israeli peace.

In 1983 the New York Times criticized Perle for recommending the US army to purchase weapons from an Israeli company that had paid him 50,000 dollars in consulting fees a year earlier.

AIPAC-supported institutions are used as rotating doors for “unscrupulous” political appointees switching back and forth between Israeli think-tanks and alternating US administrations.

It is no secret that AIPAC started seeding the State Department’s Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs and defence councils since the early 1980s. Replacing professional staff, the new advocates turned the defence and state departments into parochial Zionist dens and driving America deeper into the quagmire of Israeli wars.


A version of this article was first published in the Gulf Daily News. The version here is published by permission of Jamal Kanj.